Zia Mian, Contributor 
Mian
Pakistan won independence from British Raj on August 14, 1947 on the basis of the Two Nation Theory which demanded a separate homeland for Indian Muslims. The human cost of this partition was high: over 100 million lives were disrupted; more than 14 million others left their homes to migrate to the other side of the border (the largest migration in human history); and up to 1.5 million lost their lives.
The founding fathers had the difficult task of building a new nation. The process was slow. It took nine years to draft the constitution which was finally promulgated in 1956.
Notwithstanding, the country did not have its first national general election until in December 1970 (23 years after independence). The founding fathers ruled until 1957 and then the generals took over. Anarchy and corruption were the order of the day.
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (ZAB), born into a wealthy family of landlords in 1928, hailed from Sindh (Larkana). He earned his honour's degree in political science from The University College of Los Angeles in 1950 and proceeded to Oxford's Christ Church College to study law. He was called to the Bar at Lincoln's Inn in 1953. His first child, Bainazir (Benazir) Bhutto (affectionately called BiBi - pronounced 'BB'), was born in the same year. He returned to his home in Sindh to practise law. He specialised in constitutional law and published a series of articles in the leading local media. As the country was struggling to formulate its constitution at this time I am sure that his articles had an input into the 1956 draft. In 1958, General Iskandar Mirza picked this bright young lawyer to join his Cabinet as the minister of commerce.
In 1958, General Mirza abrogated the constitution and declared martial law. He appointed General Ayub Khan, then head of the armed forces, as the chief martial law administrator. Within three weeks of assuming the charge, Ayub Khan ousted General Mirza and exiled him to London, declaring himself president.
Political corruption
Bhutto
Considering the corruption in the political system, Ayub's arrival on the political scene was a welcome change. To appease the public, he launched a grand inquisition. As a result, about 3,000 officials were dismissed; and many more were reduced in rank on the charges of corruption. Ayub used his powers to disqualify many of the founding fathers from holding political office and threw others into prison. Zulficar Ali Bhutto was the shining star of Ayub's Cabinet. He served General Ayub Khan in many capacities before assuming responsibility for the portfolio of the Foreign Ministry in 1963.
Zulficar Ali Bhutto, a charismatic speaker with strong socialist views, advanced the credentials of the Ayub dynasty eloquently.
In 1962, Ayub promulgated a new constitution which allowed him to become the non-military president of Pakistan. Sounds familiar when we look at Musharraf's recent manoeuvres to restore pseudo democracy in military-ruled Pakistan. Following a war with India in 1965, Russian Premier Alexi Kosygin brokered a deal between India and Pakistan (Tashkent Declaration - at the capital of Uzbekistan) to end the hostilities.
The declaration was signed by Ayub Khan and Indian Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri in 1966. The people had the perception that Pakistan had won the 1965 war. However, the signing of the Tashkent Declaration shattered this perception. The declaration proved to be extremely unpopular ZAB was a party to the negotiation of this declaration (as the then Foreign Minister he was present at the signing), he had his differences. He seized the opportunity to exploit the situation to his advantage. He resigned from Ayub's Cabinet and formed the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) in 1967. The party was launched on the socialist platform. Its slogans were 'bread, clothing and shelter' and 'all power to the people.'
Ayub was unable to withstand the political and public pressure that followed the declaration. He tried to seek a negotiated solution by freeing the political opponents. His efforts proved futile and he failed miserably in controlling the situation. He decided that it was time to abdicate the throne. He handed power over to General Yahya Khan in 1969 and retired to his family's empire which was built during his rule. Pakistan was back to another martial law regime, with General Yahya Khan at its helm.
General Yahya recognised the perils of the highly volatile situation and decided that the best exit strategy (or the way to jump ship) would be to hold a national general election. The country's first ever national general election (on the basis of adult franchise) was announced for October 1970. However, the floods in East Pakistan delayed the election until December 1970. People voted for 300 National Assembly seats (East Pakistan 162 and West Pakistan 138). According to the results, Sheikh Mujib's Awami League in East Pakistan won 160 seats, and ZABs PPP (West Pakistan) won 89 seats.
Distinct winner
Mujib (later the first president of independent Bangladesh) was the distinct winner and expected to be invited to form the national government. He presented a six-point proposal which Bhutto refused to accept. This refusal affirmed the perception that the Bengalis, who had remained marginalised throughout the existence of unified Pakistan, were not being taken seriously. Bengalis were extremely dissatisfied with the stance of West Pakistan.
The civil unrest and riots erupted in East Pakistan and Yahya Khan tried to control the situation by a military crackdown. Unfortunately, his military brain failed to recognise the Mujib factor and unique nature of the strategic landscape of East Pakistan which could not be controlled across one thousand miles of Indian territory.
Mujib sought help from India. India attacked East Pakistan and took more than 90,000 Pakistani soldiers as prisoners of war (POWs). Bangladesh was born and the 'Two Nations' dream of founding fathers turned into a nightmare. There was a strong faction in Pakistan politics that believed that Bhutto had caused the break-up of Pakistan.
Jumping ship
Following the break-up, in December 1971, Yahya Khan decided to jump ship and resigned. He handed political power over to Bhutto. Bhutto thus became the first civilian martial law administrator of Pakistan. He immediately embarked on negotiating an agreement with India to seek the release of POWs. To deliver on his socialist slogans, he nationalised industries and banks. That was a miscalculation, as it caused serious productive disruption with dire negative effects on the economy. After the National Assembly passed the 1973 Constitution, Bhutto was sworn in as prime minister.
Bhutto was a hard-working and bright leader and Pakistan is proud of his many achievements, including the development of nuclear capacity. However, he was also known to be arrogant, authoritarian, unforgiving and a suppressor of opposition. A good friend of mine, Khalid Hasan, who served as his first press secretary (in 1971), has written extensively about the Bhuttos. (He was characterised by ZAB as part of the family). He observes that ZAB "found it hard to forgive those who had once crossed him, or whom he thought had crossed him. Even minor incidents, sometimes quite innocent, he found hard to overlook or let go. That was his great failing." He contrasts BiBi as a compassionate and forgiving leader.
Political troubles
The perception of ZAB's role in the break-up of the country had a great impact on the events that followed. Political troubles started to brew as early as 1973. The opposition parties formed the United Democratic Front (UDF) to oppose Bhutto's PPP. Once the 1977 election was announced, opposition emerged in the formidable political force of the Pakistan National Alliance (PNA). The PNA was the beginning of the fall of Bhutto. Elections were held, but to everyone's surprise, Bhutto's PPP won with an overwhelming majority. The opposition alleged gross fraud, boycotted the National Assembly and called for Bhutto's resignation and fresh elections.
Bhutto's refusal to accept his opponent's demands resulted in widespread demonstrations. At first Bhutto ignored the situation and mobilised the government machinery to suppress the unrest. Many militants were put in prison. He imposed martial law in three key cities - Lahore, Karachi and Hyderabad. When he realised that the situation could not be controlled by force, he freed some of his opponents and embarked on negotiating a deal to end political malaise. He offered some Cabinet seats to the opposition. The PNA countered by demanding equal representation. Finding no workable solution, Bhutto agreed to hold fresh elections by the end of 1977. However, as Bhutto was travelling, the signing of the agreement was delayed. The PNA used his travels as way of avoiding the signing of the agreement.
Ongoing political deadlock
In view of the ongoing political deadlock, head of the army, General Zia ul-Haq, availed himself of the opportunity to declare martial law and imprisoned Bhutto. General Zia usurped the political power and appointed himself president. He tried Bhutto for instigating the murder of a political opponent. The Kangaroo Court found Bhutto guilty, as charged.
The Supreme Court upheld the decision of the High Court with a narrow margin (despite Bhutto's refusal to defend). The court did, however, suggest that the president might consider converting the death sentence to life imprisonment. Knowing Bhutto's capabilities, General Zia did not wish to take a chance. It is sad that despite international intervention, General Zia hanged Bhutto in 1979.
General Zia created a martyr in the persona of ZAB and the country felt strongly that a great injustice had been done. The nation felt that it owed a debt to the Bhutto family. The fall and hanging of ZAB by the military dictatorship was a turning point for 26-year-old Bainazir. Her life and destiny changed.
Zia Mian is an international consultant on information technology and energy. He writes on issues of national, regional and international interest. Send your comments to mian_zia@hotmail.com.
