IT WAS quite predictable that the Opposition's motion of no-confidence in the Government was headed for failure - as was confirmed by its 33 to 23 vote defeat in the House of Representatives on Tuesday night. For it to have been otherwise, Bruce Golding, the Opposition Leader, would have had to persuade at least seven of those who now sit on the Government and 'independent' benches to side with his Jamaica Labour Party.

Mr. Golding, however, knew that this was an extremely tall, if not impossible, order. The vote would most likely be along strict party lines, with even the nominally independent Abe Dabdoub casting his lot with the Government.

What the Opposition wanted, and got, though, was another opportunity to air the issue of Trafigura Beheer's funnelling of the equivalent of J$31 million into an account controlled by Colin Campbell, the ousted People's National Party (PNP) general secretary and information and development minister. It was one more chance to do as much damage as possible to the ruling party, which contends the money was a gift to the PNP, despite Trafigura's claim it was payment for services from the company in whose name the account stands.

While the Opposition sees high crimes and corruption, the administration continues to insist that what Mr. Campbell did was not so unorthodox. People, including Jamaican firms which make political contributions, the argument goes, use all kinds of subterfuge, including demanding invoices of the kind Mr. Campbell purportedly delivered to Trafigura.

Unfortunately, the parliamentary debate notwithstanding, this newspaper is not certain that either ourselves or the wider society have the full measure of this issue. It remains hazy whether Mr. Campbell and/or others in the Government and the PNP are guilty of legal transgressions and benefiting from the protection of the PNP's circled wagons.

We hope that this is not the case. We insist, in that regard, that the Contractor General pursue his investigation of the Trafigura's contract with the Petroleum Corporation of Jamaica; and Parliament's Integrity Commission, the Corruption Commission, as well as the police, initiate their own investigations into the matter.

But the Trafigura case is about more than the legal or moral behaviour of a few individuals or even the ruling party. It highlights the wider danger that a 'for sale' sign can be placed on Jamaica's democracy and the potential for ceding power, directly or by proxy, to those with deep pockets.

In this regard, we support the position that the Trafigura affair points to the urgency of Jamaica putting in place laws and regulations covering political party financing, with the aim of making the process substantially more transparent. Mr. Dabdoub's bill, which has been on the table of the House since May, should be debated.

It is nonsense to argue that we should wait until the Electoral Commission is formally launched and delivers its recommendations on the matter for us to get started. That is a tactic of delay, deliberately or otherwise, which is to the benefit of only those who may have financiers who need protection in the short term.

Starting the debate now means that we may have something in place ahead of the next election, and it does not preclude the Electoral Commission joining the process when it clarifies its own position.