Ian Boyne, Contributor
THE NEW, Jamaica Labour Party-commissioned crime report has set out an excellent and eminently sensible mechanism to ensure that its recommendations do not go the way of previous crime reports.
Besides, it has laid out an operational framework which is convergent with the governance philosophy of the new Portia Simpson Miller administration, which has stressed a community-centred approach to development. Unlike other reports which make fine suggestions without proposing an exact mechanism for implementation, the Trevor MacMillan crime report, titled Road Map to a Safe and Secure Jamaica, has proposed an executive agency established under the Office of the Prime Minister and endowed "with cross-cutting authority" that would allow it to "bring the various actors inside and outside Government together for collaborative action and to mobilise resources both locally and internationally." The task force makes the significant point that "Coordination of the various agencies is a necessary condition for successful results. The OPM is the best authority to ensure this." Absolutely correct.
LACK OF FOLLOW-UP
We remember the lack of follow-up and coordination of efforts after the Ministry of National Security had announced that social intervention programmes would follow its anti-crime initiative some years ago. One of the finest crime reports I have seen is the June 2002 National Committee on Crime and Violence report, signed by both former Prime Minister PJ Patterson and former Opposition Leader Edward Seaga, as well as Security Minister Peter Phillips and JLP Spokesman on Security Derrick Smith.
And while that report is more comprehensive, balanced, nuanced and avoids the unsubstantiated rhetoric of the occasionally more incendiary MacMillan report, it lacks the institutional mechanism for implementing its recommendations.
The MacMillan report proposes a National Council for Community Transformation (NCCT) which would coordinate efforts toward addressing some of "the vexing economic and social problems that give rise to crime and violence, reconstruct the fractured relationship between Government and civil society and strengthen national capacity towards meetings the country's obligations under the United Nations Millennium Development Goals."
Special focus would be given to the eight political constituencies identified in the political tribalism report as garrisons and which account for a high percentage of crime in Jamaica. The report points to the link between crime, poverty and underdevelopment and rightly makes the point that the root causes of crime have to be addressed, not just the narrowly security issues in any anti-crime plan.
Says the MacMillan report: "High rates of youth unemployment are generally associated with high levels of violence. The problem is compounded by high levels of inequality."
Stressing the importance of social intervention in any successful crime-fighting strategy, Road Map to a Safe and Secure Jamaica notes that "Resources have typically not been made available for the implementation phase ... from the work of similarly constituted and well-intentioned bodies. This is especially telling in the areas of social interventions where relevant agencies of the Government have tight budgets tied to work programmes built around narrow budgets." Absolutely correct.
NO-NONSENSE APPROACH
Trevor MacMillan, known for his no-nonsense approach, is saying in other words, "Let us not waste our time making recommendations and reinventing a wheel which has been reconstructed a hundred times. Let's make a difference. Let's identify a key factor in the failure to implement these lovely reports: Lack of resources and coordination of efforts."
Significantly, among the duties of the National Council would be to "mobilise state and international resources, philanthropy and volunteerism." Excellent. This is a practical and creative way to put legs on an anti-crime initiative. The committee would also develop and execute a "joined-up approach" to social policy intervention and would integrate the actions of all social partners "while mainstreaming the lessons learned at the prototype and pilot stage of community interventions. The committee would also "upstream lessons learned through community interventions to influence policy."
Unfortunately, because of explosive rhetoric and imprudent statements which are open to serious debate, this report might not get the attention it richly deserves. When one hears the characteristically balanced, level-headed and exceedingly fair-minded talk show host and lawyer Ronnie Thwaites almost dismissing the report, one has to sit up. Thwaites was especially offended by the statement that corruption has been "institutionalised" in the police force, is evident in the Department of Corrections, and even in the judiciary.
In Jamaica it is sacrilegious to question the integrity of the judiciary. I can never understand why it is, but unless empirical evidence is given it is irresponsible to make the charge of "institutionalised" corruption.
And while it is undeniable that there are corrupt police officers, to say that the force suffers from "institutionalised" corruption is another, as yet unsubstantiated matter. The task force could have made its recommendations for changes in the police force without making these unnecessarily divisive and offensive points.
The political directorate would be deeply offended also by the statement, heavily reported in the media, that a lack of political will is the major reason for the failure to fight crime in Jamaica. Also, the task force does not reflect the extent to which some gangs operate independently of the political parties and are no longer strictly controlled by them. Yes, politics assists the criminal network even when the gangs are not directly under the control of the politicians, in that garrison communities provide protection and firepower for one another when needed.
WARLORDS AND DONS
The dons maintain some links to politicians for they need each other, though the dons and criminal warlords are not dependent on the politicians the way they used to be. Christopher Charles has shown in his research that the notion that they don't need political connections at all is not true in many instances.
Opposition Leader Bruce Golding has made some critically important recommendations for degarrisonisation in his fine and stimulating Budget presentation.
In his Budget presentation, the MP for the 'Mother of all Garrisons', called for "measurable and verifiable" steps to "cut the umbilical cord between politics and criminality." What I particularly liked about the Golding proposal was that it was not just philosophical, but practical. He proposed that "the conduct and activities of politicians in garrisons be monitored by a committee" headed by the political Ombudsman and including the private sector, the police, the church and human rights organisations. "Let them monitor the transformation process to determine whether the politicians in these constituencies are adhering to the guidelines of the Code of Political Conduct. That committee would be required to report its findings periodically to Parliament." It seems to be the season for excellent proposals.
He called for the committee to identify contractors engaged in supporting criminal activities and who are in receipt of large government contracts. But those contracts must include those granted by the KSAC and other local authorities, Mr. Golding.
SUPPORT
I strongly support the MacMillan report in the following: The passing of an effective Assets Forfeiture Act, the requirement that political parties publish their sources of revenue and the inclusion of parliamentarians under the Corruption Prevention Act. The task force makes recommendations for breaking the political party-crime links by blacklisting contractors who "subcontract to a criminal firm." But, the fact is that some of the biggest criminals who are contractors have no criminal convictions.
Some of the biggest criminals and dons who are getting work from Central and Local Government are so notorious that no one dares report them for their atrocities. The politicians know them and yet they pet and powder them and fraternise with them, while deferring to their criminal rule. One of the recommendations which the task force makes is that the police should be free to patrol any area. We must watch to see which politicians come out to block roads and to warn about supposed human rights violations when the police are going after known criminals and terrorists in their constituencies.
REINFORCEMENT
The committee says "Symbolic reinforcement (of criminals) such as attending the funerals of persons of criminal repute, approvingly associating with them in the constituencies and other settings and performing songs that are supportive of violence on political platforms" should be prohibited. I totally agree. We need a vigorous, political unbiased and courageous press to report to us who is seen with whom and who is secretly meeting the dons on their turf. That kind of reportage is necessary and if the repeal of the libel laws can enable us to nab a few criminals or to shame their politician friends, then I am all for it.
The report does not focus on the role of values, the breakdown of family life and social capital. That's a major failing. But it has the far-reaching concrete, specific and practical proposals - most of all, the institutional mechanisms - to make that oversight forgivable. In its specific proposals for implementation and its mechanisms recommended, it represents an important advance. Let us not allow partisanship deprive the country of the wealth of ideas contained in this JLP-commissioned report.
Ian Boyne is a veteran journalist. Email him at ianboyne1@yahoo.com
