Earl M. Bartley
Earl M. Bartley
THE BICKERING and dithering within the Jamaica Labour Party continues. The bone of contention this time is whether the chairman of the party, Bruce Golding, should be the chairman of the Candidate Selection Committee as has been the tradition within the party, or whether Party Leader Edward Seaga who has been acting in the post since former chairman Ryan Peralto became ill should
continue to chair the committee. In fact, it is no longer a moot question, since, to the reported disgust of many of his colleagues, Golding is alleged to have 'weakly'
conceded the position to Seaga. Logic and tradition suggested that Mr. Seaga vacate the post in favour of Mr. Golding. But in a power struggle, logic and tradition often run a very poor second to the desire for power, and nearly all are agreed that what is afoot within the JLP is a power struggle between the so-called reformists and
traditionalists within the party.
MISNOMER
I believe, to even continue to make the distinction between reformists and traditionalists is a misnomer at least in relation to policy. The JLP has many progressive policies in relation to constitutional reform and economic and social management which were developed under Seaga's leadership and in which he played no small part. Policies such as their LEARN Plan for integrated upgrading of the educational system; and their WELLNESS Plan that would start out with guaranteed care for the elderly and infants come to mind.
Their low-income housing plan financed from National Housing Trust surpluses; and their proposal for a Social Governance Council are being copied and implemented in part by the PNP. And the JLP's proposal for a Constituent Assembly to involve the population in a broad-based way in constitutional reform is the truly democratic way to approach that issue. By contrast with these many well-thought-out policies developed by the so-called traditionalists, the most cogent policies associated with the reformists are term limits and impeachment of public officials.
BEYOND THE LABELS
To speak of Seaga then as traditionalist and Golding as reformist is to cloud the issue. If the labels have any relevance at all in relation to these men, it is mostly symbolism and expectation. Seaga, and many of his colleagues, and many of those within the PNP, have been associated with the discredited politics of tribalism and corruption whatever their degree of guilt or innocence regarding these activities. Jamaicans have been so repulsed by these practices, that people have come to place their expectations of a fundamental break with the past on Golding, based on his professed Saul-like repudiation of these ills. And it is mainly in the sense of his personal reformation that the label of reformist attaches to Golding. Not because he has developed and is articulating compelling, workable and broad-sweeping ideas that are unavailable elsewhere in Jamaican policy thinking. In an orderly world where logic ruled and tradition is passed on, Mr. Seaga would pass on his policy framework to Mr. Golding who would graciously accept it and try to build on it. Not so with the septuagenarian Seaga who seems to believe his best is yet to come. Even the most fertile-minded seniors, however, need to make way for youth. But probably from
his 'will to power', or from the desire to use another stint in Government to fashion a 'golden parachute' for himself, like many of his contemporaries in the PNP, Mr. Seaga has been using the time allowed him to bow out gracefully to consolidate his grip on the party leader's position.
What are Golding and Seaga aiming to achieve? The position of chairman of the Selection Committee allows whoever holds the position some degree of influence over the selection of candidates for local government and national elections. This degree of influence, however, may be overstated. In the first place, the chairman is part of a committee, and however influential he is, it is hard to see the chairman simply overriding, disregarding or orchestrating his colleagues to rubber-stamp his selection. Not in this day and age, even in the JLP. Then at present, within the JLP there are 25 elected MPs and possibly another 20 fairly well-entrenched caretakers. Thus, the number of candidacies over which the chairman can strongly influence the selection is more limited than appears.
IS GOLDING MAN ENOUGH?
Nonetheless, both Mr. Seaga and Mr. Golding were jockeying for the position. This suggests that both believed they would be able to influence the candidate selection process. And, to the extent MPs and caretakers are able to control their delegates in party elections, they would be able to use the chairmanship to enhance their efforts to regain or obtain the party leader position. That Mr. Seaga should be engaged in this effort to hold on to the chairmanship of the Selection Committee should put to rest any lingering doubt about whether he intends to lead the JLP into the next general elections. Those including Mr. Golding who were allowing him the time and space to bow out gracefully, in deference to his long service to the party and nation, have mostly been engaged in wishful thinking. Indeed, it is now manifest that whosoever is going to be the next leader of the JLP will have 'to beat the man, if they want to be the man', as I mentioned a few months ago.
A lot of questions and complaints are being made about Mr. Golding's mettle. That he has not tried to build on the momentum coming out of the JLP's vice-presidential and officers' races last November. That while he has been allowing Mr. Seaga the time to bow out gracefully, the latter has been using the respite to form new alliances and strengthen his position. Indeed, many of Mr. Golding's young reformist allies are said to be weary of him playing the reluctant bride and some are even accusing him of
'gutlessness and not having the stomach for fight'. Others have complained that Mr. Golding is trying too hard to walk down the
middle, balancing and embracing reformists and traditionalists for the sake of party unity. Golding's lack of a seat in Parliament
is possibly also a source of
distraction for him.
TIME RUNNING OUT
Whatever is causing Mr. Golding to dither, he needs to realise that the historical opportunity of leadership is never extended to anyone indefinitely, and that in the words of former Black Panther Party chairman, Bobby Seale, he needs to "seize the time". Moreover, being a political veteran, Golding should know that party unity at all costs and at all times is not necessarily a desirable condition. A party is like a brick wall that becomes weather-beaten and falls into disarray over time. Every now and again the wall has to be pulled down, the mortar chipped off, broken or warped bricks discarded, new ones brought in, and a newer and stronger wall reassembled.
Since coming off of his impressive manoeuvrings at the JLP's conference last November, Mr. Golding has seemed more concerned with party unity, rather than party transformation. And he needs to accept intellectually and emotionally, that many of his present colleagues cannot play their former role, if any at all, in a future JLP Government. Considering the weariness of people with the ruling People's National Party, the next election is for the JLP to lose. Nonetheless, they could lose it. If the JLP contests the next general elections with Mr. Seaga as leader against a PNP under a younger leader and with the economy showing signs of resurgence, there is more than an even chance that the JLP will lose again. Likewise, if Golding waits much beyond the next 18 months to consolidate his forces and challenge Seaga for the leader's position in 2005, he might find it difficult to reassemble the unified party he so craves by the time the next elections are called.
What I find curious but not surprising is Mr. Seaga's naming of Mike Henry and Pearnel Charles to be his eyes and ears on the ground. Their position is curious because of the long-standing rancour between them and Mr. Seaga. But their position is not surprising, because they probably feel that the winds of change and youth that are likely to be ushered in under Bruce Golding as party leader might sweep them aside. Moreover, one often gets the feeling that while Bruce Golding is trying his best not to offend many of the so-called traditionalists, he is not doing enough to win over some of those who might be needed to contribute to the mix of youth and experience in a future JLP cabinet.
Because of this absence of a co-option strategy, Golding allowed Seaga a window of opportunity to rope in Henry and Charles into a septuagenarian coalition that could easily be named 'Stop Golding'. In other words, Seaga might have persuaded Charles and Henry that their best chance of retaining or obtaining influence and position within the JLP lies with him, not Golding.
It may be too late, and possibly not even desirable for Bruce Golding to win back Charles and Henry. But it is certainly not too early for him to begin to consolidate his forces for a challenge to Mr. Seaga. Eighteen months to the 2005 conference is the best time frame for Golding. To push it to conference of 2006 is to give his opponents within the party too much time to consolidate, and allow himself too little time to rebuild the wall of party unity, which will inevitably crumble in a heated race for leader. Though Golding might have wished for a more decorous transition, Mr. Seaga's 'will to power' do not
permit anything other than a bare knuckles brawl in which the
winner takes all. Jamaicans are watching and noting whether Mr. Golding has the willingness to fight an essential element of the 'right stuff' required in a leader.
Earl Mr. Bartley is an
economist and businessman.
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